This blog post systematically examines how the ‘concept of intersubjectivity’ is being weakened and reconfigured within our rapidly changing society, and why this transformation could become a core driving force for future civic revolutions.
Through numerous civic revolutions, including the French Revolution, humanity broke free from absolute monarchies rooted in the divine right of kings and established the modern liberal democratic system. This political transformation was accompanied by major scientific revolutions like the Industrial Revolution and the Digital Revolution, during which humanity achieved remarkable economic development and scientific and technological accomplishments. Many anthropologists particularly foresee that accelerated technological revolutions, beginning with the Fourth Industrial Revolution, will unfold in future societies, resulting in the emergence of ‘God-like humans’. This aligns with the perspective presented by Yuval Noah Harari, author of Homo Deus. While there is little disagreement in academia regarding the future scientific revolution, discussions about the future civic revolution that will transform social systems remain relatively scarce. When I read Homo Deus, I found it disappointing that Chapter 3, Section 7, titled ‘Long Live Revolution!’, which centrally addressed the citizen revolution, was the shortest section. The author merely used past citizen revolution cases to explain human characteristics, offering little mention of how future citizen revolutions might unfold or whether they would actually occur. Accordingly, the author examined the nature of future civic revolutions based on the framework of the “transition of intersubjective concepts,” ultimately concluding that “even in the loosened social systems of the future, civic revolutions remain indispensable, with the intersubjective concept of information at their core.”
Before predicting the nature of future society, it is necessary to examine the transformations civic revolutions have undergone from the past to the present. In many nations, including pre-Renaissance Europe, monarchs justified their power based on the divine right of kings, while the privileged upper classes exploited this to commit various abuses. Ironically, the absolute monarchy built upon the intersubjective concept of ‘God’ did not collapse due to the upper classes’ extravagant fiscal management, but rather because the ‘bourgeoisie (wealthy commoners)’—irritated by the government’s excessive taxation— who embraced new intersubjective concepts of freedom and equality based on Locke’s ‘natural rights’ and Rousseau’s ‘social contract theory’. This revolution ultimately toppled the power of the upper classes and enabled the major political shift towards parliamentary government.
Of course, some pessimists might argue that the civic revolutions of that era were not aimed at changing the political system, but rather that citizens suffering from famine participated merely to solve their basic needs for food, clothing, and shelter. However, this explanation cannot fully account for the Rose Revolution in Georgia and the Egyptian Revolution, which occurred even amidst the high quality of life in the 21st century. Despite much debate, the recent candlelight protests in South Korea can also be considered a type of civic revolution, as they involved citizens changing the power structure. Moreover, considering that South Korea is now an economic powerhouse belonging to the G20, the counterargument that civic revolutions occur solely due to dissatisfaction at the subsistence level loses even more credibility. Furthermore, historical facts exist where citizens rallied around concepts like ‘God’, ‘nation’, and ‘sovereignty’ – not just political ideals like freedom and equality – to spark diverse forms of citizen revolutions, such as religious revolutions, Korea’s March First Movement, and the April 19 Revolution.
These examples confirm that citizen revolutions have historically been processes to resolve internal societal injustices. Furthermore, diverse social problems can serve as the backdrop for citizen revolutions in future societies, with the wealth gap being a prime example. Globally, the wealth gap within nations is deepening, and the economic disparity between nations is also widening. Humankind has long lived in accordance with its desires. While author Yuval Harari denied free will from the perspective that humans cannot choose their desires, he ultimately arrives at the same conclusion: humans are products of their desires.
According to philosopher Abraham Maslow’s 1943 theory of the five stages of human needs, humans possess desires for respect, such as the desire for power and wealth, beyond merely satisfying basic needs like food, clothing, and shelter. This explains why the wealthy and powerful pursue greater happiness. This inequality in human society also aligns with why philosopher Rousseau opposed private property while advocating liberalism. The wealth gap, persisting since the establishment of social systems, intensified further in the 20th century alongside the side effects of capitalism. Particularly in future societies, resources will continue to diminish faster than population growth, intensifying conflicts over these resources. Consequently, the wealthy, who overwhelmingly hold existing capital, are highly likely to prevail. This phenomenon could lead to the reality of class discrimination seen only in science fiction works like the films Snowpiercer or Elysium. When the gap reaches its peak, a situation will arise that cannot be resolved through simple dialogue between the two groups, ultimately leading to a new form of civil revolution.
Examining historical precedents reveals that civil revolutions ultimately emerged around ‘intersubjective concepts’ formed within people’s communication processes. In other words, societal system change is a process of transforming the values of intersubjective concepts, and social revolution represents the explosive climax at the apex of this transformation. After a revolution, the status of each intersubjective concept becomes distinctly different from before, serving as a crucial coordinate for understanding the nature of the current social transition humanity has reached.
Humanity now stands at a turning point where the meaning of existing intersubjective concepts is gradually weakening. Indeed, recent surveys indicate that approximately 51% of South Korea’s population self-identifies as not belonging to any specific religion. This represents a significantly higher proportion than past statistics, indicating the weakening of traditional intersubjective concepts regarding religion. Sociologists diagnose that the proportion of non-religious individuals is particularly high among adolescents and young adults. This phenomenon is attributed not only to weakened religious trust but also to reduced time available for religious activities as more time is devoted to practical tasks like preparing for university entrance exams and job hunting.
Furthermore, I once resonated with Yuval Harari’s argument in Homo Deus about the spread of individualism, concluding that its influence would cause existing intersubjective concepts like God, nation, and ideology to lose power, gradually distancing humanity from its social nature. However, I realized that just as the scientific revolution causes old professions to disappear while new ones continuously emerge, the weakening of existing intersubjective concepts signifies the rise of new ones. These new concepts will become the driving force behind the civic revolution that will occur in future society. Among them, I judge that the concept of ‘information’ will be the true catalyst for this revolution.
In future society, direct interpersonal exchange will weaken due to the spread of AI-based automation, remote learning, and telecommuting. Consequently, individuals will increasingly rely on indirect information accumulated on the internet. This signifies a further reduction in the influence of outdated intersubjective values formed within traditional human relationships. The higher the dependence on indirect information, the more valid the proposition that whoever controls information ultimately controls the world.
Yuval Harari introduced the concept of a new religion called ‘Dataism,’ emphasizing the critical significance freedom of information will hold in future society. There will be little counterargument to this. This is because freedom of information will attain a status in future society equivalent to current fundamental civil rights. While the author also believes freedom of information is the most crucial value, considering the structure of real-world society, it is judged that this freedom cannot be fully granted to humanity immediately. This is because there is a high likelihood that a minority of capitalists and power elites will manipulate and disseminate information in ways favorable to themselves.
Many people feel that the freedom of information has expanded compared to the past due to the development of internet media like Google and SNS. However, representative cases such as the Facebook opinion manipulation incident in the US, the NIS comment manipulation scandal and the Dr. King incident in South Korea, which exposed both ruling and opposition parties, demonstrate that it is difficult for ordinary citizens to be confident they are obtaining accurate information. Moreover, at a time when resource constraints are felt more acutely by the upper classes, the frequency of information manipulation is likely to increase significantly. Therefore, guaranteeing citizens true freedom of information is extremely difficult.
Nevertheless, why will information decisively determine the nature of future citizen revolutions? The author anticipates the following scenario. All revolutions have had different backgrounds and justifications, and there have always been individuals who spearheaded them. Historically, revolutions were largely led by high-ranking figures such as bourgeoisie, religious leaders, and politicians. This makes sense, as a revolution’s impact requires influential individuals at its core.
The upper class will attempt to deceive citizens by manipulating public opinion and producing fake news. However, a minority of citizens—Group A—will emerge, questioning this flow of information. Simultaneously, due to limited resources, the upper class itself will resist the influx of new members to maintain their privileges. In this process, some members of the upper class will lose their status. Whether driven by resentment over lost privileges or conscience after witnessing information manipulation, a portion of the former elite will collaborate with Group A to expose the upper class’s information manipulation practices. This exposure will become the catalyst for revolution, ultimately leading to a citizens’ revolution to reclaim information freedom.
Thus far, we have inferred the nature of future societal revolutions by examining the characteristics of past revolutions. The revolutions that erupted in Egypt and Tunisia in 2011 were citizens’ uprisings against harsh dictatorships, where information media like social networking services (SNS) rapidly disseminated accounts of oppression, accelerating the pace of revolution. However, in future society, online-based indirect experiences will dominate life. Consequently, ‘information’ will become not merely a catalyst for revolution but its essential target. Clashes between capitalists and citizens demanding information freedom are thus inevitable.
Of course, some may reject the scenario I’ve presented. I myself cannot be certain whether such a revolution would actually involve armed conflict, nor whether it would succeed or fail. This depends on the extent of the gap between the two classes at the moment the revolution erupts. Nevertheless, one thing is certain: information, which once served as a means to accelerate revolutions, will now become the very source of revolution. Furthermore, just as the Candlelight Revolution in South Korea was sparked by citizens’ anger over public opinion manipulation, if the information monopoly and manipulation by those in power are exposed again, citizens will undoubtedly become angry once more and rise up in revolution to reclaim freedom of information.
Therefore, to secure freedom of information with minimal damage, it is paramount that South Korean citizens maintain constant vigilance against the government’s potential manipulation of public opinion and information, starting right now. Finally, I wish to conclude by stating that I have endeavored to exclude my political leanings as much as possible and maintain a neutral perspective in this article.
